Part II of MakanDay’s investigation reveals the fallout from the controversial “mop-up” exercise, a tale of political interference, secret deals, and internal rivalries. Insiders describe how procurement contracts were quietly altered, investigations manipulated, and how one Director General’s refusal to yield to political pressure ultimately cost him his job.
By Charles Mafa | MakanDay Investigates
At stake is far more than leadership — it’s the credibility of Zambia’s entire public health supply system.
President Hakainde Hichilema recently announced plans to make the theft of medicines a non-bailable offence, a move he said would help curb abuse in the sector. But MakanDay’s findings suggest the crisis at the Zambia Medicines and Medical Supplies Agency (ZAMMSA) runs much deeper, one that cannot be fixed by tougher laws alone.
Discrepancies in the mop-up documentation
Insiders revealed that contracts under the “mop-up” procurement exercise were inflated and tampered with, with discrepancies between the publicly stated K700 million and the internal figure of K685 million.
MakanDay interviewed current and former employees, including past Director Generals (DGs), who described systemic failures marked by corruption, document tampering, and procurement irregularities.
Political pressure and the mop-up defence
Sources said ZAMMSA operates under intense political pressure, with senior authorities often dictating which companies receive contracts, regardless of capacity or track record, undermining the DG’s independence and weakening institutional integrity.
The mop-up exercise, introduced to address medicine shortages following disputes over Egypt-sourced drugs, illustrates how political pressure continues to influence procurement decisions. Although it was officially presented as part of efforts to achieve the government’s 80% national stock availability target, insiders say it masked inefficiency and entrenched political interference within the medical supply system.
A ZAMMSA official told MakanDay that the forensic audit commissioned by President Hakainde Hichilema, following reports of medicine theft, unfairly singled out the mop-up exercise while overlooking the broader context in which the 80% availability rate was achieved.
He explained that the figure was attained through four parallel interventions, a government-to-government agreement with Egypt, UN system support, the mop-up procurement, and direct purchases from Mission Pharma, which was re-engaged in 2021 despite earlier payment disputes.
The source added that the mop-up became necessary after local pharmaceutical firms protested Egypt’s involvement, reducing the value of Egypt-sourced medicines from K65 million to K24 million. To bridge the shortfall, the Ministry of Health launched the mop-up, with ZAMMSA’s role limited to implementation, not initiation.
MakanDay established that then DG Billy Mweetwa coordinated the exercise under instructions from the Ministry of Health, with limited authority over major decisions.
Leadership tensions and political control
Another source said former DG Victor Nyasulu lacked technical expertise in pharmaceuticals and relied on the Director of Supply Planning, who worked closely with the Ministry. Despite this, Nyasulu was frequently engaged by the then Minister of Health and two presidential advisors, whose “confidence” in him, according to the source, may have come with an expectation of compliance. When he began questioning directives, he was allegedly seen as uncooperative.
The same source claimed that competent companies were sidelined for having links to the previous administration. For example, International Drug Company Limited (IDC) saw its contract slashed from K195 million to K34 million during the mop-up review.
In another case, the Ministry ordered health centre kits to be split, 60% to Mission Pharma and 40% to local suppliers. However, after Mission Pharma executives reportedly met “the Boss” at State House, instructions were issued to award the entire contract to Mission Pharma, sidelining local firms.
The source said such politically driven decisions ultimately led to Nyasulu’s dismissal.
The 61-truck scandal
The same source linked the 61 trucks stranded at Chirundu Border — first exposed by MakanDay, to a scheme aimed at discrediting and removing then Director General Victor Nyasulu.
In a radio interview earlier in the year, Nyasulu revealed that during his tenure, ZAMMSA faced severe financial strain despite increased government allocations for drug procurement. While funds for medicines were readily available, administrative costs such as salaries, clearing fees, and logistics remained underfunded.
To address this, ZAMMSA requested 8% of drug funds for administration, a model similar to the National Road Fund Agency. The Ministry of Finance approved the request in December 2023, but the Minister of Health objected, calling it an attempt by officials to “pay themselves huge salaries”, the source said. The Treasury later withdrew approval, leaving ZAMMSA without operational funds.
When the truck crisis erupted in July 2024, ZAMMSA reportedly needed only K220,000 to clear the first 23 containers but lacked funds. The consignment, sourced from Egypt’s EGYCOPP, piled up as the agency couldn’t pay clearing agents or hire storage space.
A Ministry insider said K50 million had been released for the clearance but was never authorised for use by the Minister. The delay led to ZAMMSA accumulating a K23 million debt to J&J Transport, a case still unresolved.
Audit, dismissals, and unanswered questions
Multiple government agencies, including the Zambia Medicines Regulatory Authority (ZAMRA), the Drug Enforcement Commission (DEC), and the Zambia Police, investigated the incident. The President later commissioned a forensic audit by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), yet so far, the only tangible outcome has been the dismissal of Victor Nyasulu and his team.
A sixth source, a former ZAMMSA DG, questioned the ongoing leadership vacuum, saying: “It’s been a year, and there’s still no board. Are you telling us Zambia can’t find seven qualified people to serve?”
He alleged that ZAMMSA has become the new hub for financial deals and kickbacks, replacing the Ministry of Health as the centre of procurement influence.
“If ZAMMSA is now a failed project,” he added, “then just change the law and take procurement back to the Ministry, that’s what some people want anyway.”
The Ministry has since advertised the DG’s position, a move critics say is illegal, as only a duly appointed ZAMMSA Board can make such appointments.
Governance experts warn that the prolonged absence of a ZAMMSA board weakens oversight, erodes donor confidence, and stalls crucial procurement decisions needed to ensure a steady supply of medicines and equipment.
You can also read Part I of this investigation: Power, Politics and Procurement: How ZAMMSA Lost Its Independence
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